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I just need to convince me Eno Sep Old friends of mine.

'Magnanimous' poems - Hello Poetry

Jayne E May Open optimistic orbital original! Mesmeric moral magnanimous mine! Emotional exciting empath electric! Obliging outstanding orator ohh ohh! Natural naughty neat nice nourishing! Another variation on my sweetest sweets pseudynom..

Awesome Magnanimity and Complex Realities

Tommy Randell Sep My family has a saying Repeated often in my life Never end a day without a sorry Don't let the darkness cloud your night Whatever little spat you've had However small the slight Wounds from words can fester To make wrongs of any right Keep your fences mended Keep your loved ones close Make sure every day is ended Without some rancour up your nose Even if you are in the right Be magnanimous be cool Wake up everyday in sunlight Peace is not a majority rule.

Israel Rodriguez-Febus Dec The bitter drink is that of loneliness Its company, Pure desire. How it destroys a soul, Magnificent malnutrition; magnanimous toward Malignance. A yearn. Unanswered, festering wounds. Crashing thrashing, harassing, Then caressing. Loneliness still sings. Krizhe Ming Sep Short story of the little buds. The little buds Soon to wither Not wanting to die pitifully On such a sunny day Under the scorching heat Prayed for some rain And it began to rain With the still bright day Painted a beautiful picture Drizzles tickled each of the bud Teased to flaunt their beauty It rained gently Enough to water the land Make the flowers bloom To a magnanimous sight Thought it was just a soft pour For a brief moment Of joy Of fulfillment So they prayed for the rain To stay for a while more And so the rain did stay But then never leave For a long time Just like of a storm Each of its drop Now hurts the flowers Heavy fall tears them apart Every time the rain Touches the land Flowers got more drenched Soon they will drown And get washed away Yet they smile One by one As they face their end They glint a smile.

Karijinbba Jun The Art of poetry and song just to be creative. P your poetry is arousing like thundering volts giving sensitive readers good goose bumps piloerection. Bede Sep Lays of Carter 5, A Reflection. You're not a sinner You were always my saint. You, higher than the Fathers, You, greater than the archangels. You, magnificent, magnanimous, though flawed Me, a sinner, incomparable to your glory. Your secrets may not be something my mind can fathom Or my heart handle You are still my favorite person Even if my love may not be with you like it was.

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And even if your secrets breathe into me the very sorrow i wished to avoid, no matter what, my heart is with you. I don't care what God thinks, you're my favorite saint. There is no perfect thing that exsists, only the perfection two halves create to make a whole.

Magnanimously Meaning

This is unsurpassed. People completing what's missing in each other. Barton's democratic magnanimity, requiring not only the skills of the innovator but also those of the mediator and conciliator, I contend, was significant for the Australian founding. In the concluding remarks I note the practical importance of magnanimity in directing democratic leaders to relinquish office and power after their work is accomplished. Modern scholarship on democratisation can be traced to the influential article by Rustow , which argued that the factors that keep democracy stable may not be identical to those that brought it into existence.

Subsequent research, which is extensive, has examined the conditions for both democratic transition and consolidation, focusing on institutional, economic and social factors that favour democratisation. Though the role of political leadership in democratisation is generally acknowledged, the often unique nature of leaders and the specific circumstances of their actions and resolutions have limited the extent to which broad or analytical insights and formulations can be drawn.

Grugel ; and importantly, the role of leaders has been analysed through the prism of elites, presuming that leadership and elite behaviour were identical Higley ; Przeworski cf.

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Geddes ; O'Donnell and Schmitter More promising is the recent scholarship on political leadership, shaped significantly by MacGregor Burns's influential book, Leadership Burns's ibid. Burns goes some way towards remedying the concept of self-actualisation for understanding political leadership, but in crucial respects seems to assert rather than explain and justify his claim that transformative leadership is moral leadership.

Aristotle's concept of magnanimity has been the focus of recent leadership scholarship. Carson Holloway's edited collection, Magnanimity and Statesmanship , introduces and examines Aristotle's conception of magnanimity, allowing other contributors to explore changes in the concept in classical, Christian, and modern political thought. The final part of the volume consists of the study of political leaders, focusing on Thomas More, George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Winston Churchill.

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Waller Newell's The Soul of the Leader , in a similar vein, examines the nature of leadership in the larger context of the American presidency and Athenian democracy. Menaldo , in Leadership and Transformative Ambition in International Relations , also relies on Aristotle and Machiavelli to understand the moral dimension of political ambition and the role of statesmanship, but his specific focus is foreign affairs. In addition to a reconsideration of Otto von Bismarck's leadership, Menaldo's close reading of Pericles's ambition shows how the Athenian statesman defined, elevated and thereby moderated Athenian imperialism.

It is therefore instructive to delineate the important features of Aristotle's formulation of the concept. The magnanimous therefore take pleasure in great honours, especially from serious human beings, and therefore they have complete contempt for honours from just anyone or for small honours or fame. Consequently they are also concerned in a measured way with fortune, wealth and political power, neither overjoyed with good fortune, nor deeply grieved with bad.

They think wealth and political power are choice-worthy for the honour they confer a 1— Because the magnanimous honour few things, they will hazard only great dangers and may even throw their life away for them. Aristotle's account of the magnanimous helps us understand the extraordinary and virtuous actions of certain individuals who are prepared to risk their welfare and sacrifice even their lives for the greatest or noblest public causes or matters of the highest public good. Yet in focusing on the crucial role honour plays in the motives and actions of such individuals, Aristotle reveals deep ambiguities in the nature of magnanimity.

One important question concerns the self-sufficiency of honour and its relationship to virtue. The magnanimous is virtuous to the highest degree and therefore should be self-sufficient. But because honour seems to reside more with those who bestow it than with he who receives it, it seems to reveal a lack of self-sufficiency rather than goodness in the magnanimous b 25— Of particular relevance here is the extent to which the claims to outstanding virtue and therefore distinction can be accommodated in democratic regimes that emphasise the importance of popular sovereignty and therefore egalitarian honour.

Yet, as Newell , pp.

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  6. To examine the efficacy of the concept of magnanimous leadership in democratic foundings and transitions I now turn to the leadership of Edmund Barton, founder of Australian federation and Australia's first prime minister. We should be clear that the intention is not to see whether Barton is magnanimous in Aristotle's sense of possessing all the virtues, which would require a comprehensive assessment of character, but rather to address the specific question of whether the concept of magnanimity yields important insights into his leadership and therefore the nature of leadership necessary in democratic transitions and foundings.

    We will therefore start with a brief and general overview of Barton's life and achievements. Edmund Barton was born on January 18, , in Sydney, Australia, the youngest of a family of ten. From he worked for a solicitor and was admitted to the New South Wales Bar in In he married Jane Jeanie Mason Ross, with whom he had six children. It was in that he heard NSW Premier Sir Henry Parkes advocate federation of the Australian colonies, a cause he would take up for the next decade. He was a delegate to the Sydney Constitutional Convention in , where he helped draft an early and influential version of the Constitution.

    Though his finances were precarious for most of the s he nevertheless devoted the next three years to tireless work for federation, including contributing to the newly organised Australasian Federation League by drafting a code of rules, giving advice and speaking at hundreds of meetings. By , owing to his years of patient advocacy, he was the acknowledged leader of the federal movement in Australia and was elected to the Australasian Federal Convention that would draft the provisions of the Australian Constitution.

    At the first meeting of the Convention in Adelaide in March Barton was elected its leader and later chairman of the influential drafting and constitutional committees. The adjourned Convention met again in September in Sydney to consider the amendments proposed by colonial legislatures and reconvened in Melbourne on January 20, , finally rising on March 17, In March Barton led the Australian delegation to London to explain its terms and to press for its passage through the British Parliament without amendment. In December Barton was commissioned to form a ministry and became the first Prime Minister of the new Commonwealth of Australia that was proclaimed on January 1, He contested and won his new seat in the first federal elections in , as did all his ministers, and he remained Prime Minister until , when he resigned and became the senior puisne judge of the newly established High Court of Australia.

    He served on the Bench for seventeen years, and died suddenly of heart failure on January 7, This very brief biography of Barton shows the extraordinary range of his achievements, above all his significant, arguably essential contribution to the creation of the new Commonwealth of Australia. Yet, as we will see, his character and manner, though distinct and impressive, is less of the heroic, radical or charismatic visionary and more of the accommodating conciliator who will seek reasonable compromise and consensus through persuasion rather than an intransigent insistence on a unique vision.

    He is a moral leader with integrity who is prepared to sacrifice for a greater cause, yet one cannot readily say that he transforms the character of his followers. Aristotle's insight into the soul or character of the magnanimous reveals someone who longs for great deeds and actions and is willing to endure great hardship for these endeavours.

    Such an individual is concerned with the highest honours but will attempt to be worthy of them, rather than seek them out.

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    These powerful longings will determine how the magnanimous order their lives, how they will rank their duties and obligations and, importantly, how they treat others around them. I will argue that Aristotle's conception of magnanimity accounts for important aspects of Barton's character and his actions as leader. It explains in large measure the direction it took, the sacrifices it mandated, and the rewards it yielded in reputation and office.

    Barton, I would argue, was looking for such a great deed but did not seem to find it in the academy, even though he excelled in his undergraduate studies and completed his masters. The law was another possibility, but he initially took it up because he was not independently wealthy and needed a steady income to get married and raise a family.

    He certainly did not pursue a business or mercantile career; indeed, as we will see, there was ambivalence in his regard for wealth that is typical of the magnanimous — showing contempt for it, yet realising that honour by itself was not sufficient to maintain his increasingly large family and responsibilities to his siblings. These offices were no doubt onerous and instructed the young Barton on important aspects of colonial and parliamentary politics.

    Yet there seems to have been something missing from them, evident in his decision to seek election to the New South Wales Legislative Council, the Upper House where he was not a regular attendee, and his general reluctance to take up Cabinet posts and other offers of ministerial responsibility.

    All this seemed to change, however, when Barton read Sir Henry Parkes's Tenterfield speech advocating federation of the colonies. Barton wrote to Parkes endorsing those views and a few days later, on November 3, , at the Australian Natives Association meeting at Sydney Town Hall, publicly declared his support for federation. From this point on, Barton seemed to have found his calling. Between and the First National Australasian Convention in Sydney in , Barton collaborates with Parkes, intensively studies federal constitutions and along with Griffith and Kingston, helps draft the Constitution on board the Queensland government yacht Lucinda.

    He told several of his friends, according to Reynolds , p. He informally accepts the mantle of leadership of the federal movement from Parkes in and this role is never questioned in the remaining nine years of the movement. Barton's view of federation and his commitment to it is evident from his public statements.

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    Responding to B. Wise, a free-trader who had questioned Barton's motives in advocating a non-political Australasian Federation League, Barton wrote a lengthy letter on June 30, , published in The Sydney Morning Herald , where he states: There are men who cannot realise that one may set a great cause so high, may reverence it so deeply, as to be incapable of turning it to any purpose lower than that of its consummation.

    Cited in Reynolds , p. Barton's actions as Prime Minister after federation are explicable in terms of the magnanimous who has achieved his great ambition but still has duties to fulfil. From this perspective, the goal of his ambition is never prime ministership as such, but federation. This explains his time in office, with his early years characterised by a seeming lack of commitment and energy, a sense that he did not have his heart in it. His greater application after his visit to England for the Coronation of King Edward VII in and later Imperial Conference may be explained by the numerous honours and awards he receives, making him realise the greatness of the office he has been instrumental in creating.

    In addition to his sense of public duty, he may have been influenced in his decision by other concerns, including his health and providing for his family who had paid such a high price for his ambition.

    That magnanimity explains important aspects of Barton's leadership is confirmed by the judgment of his contemporaries. Magnanimity also accounts for Barton's approach to honour, which in turn shapes his political life. Moreover, because the magnanimous are concerned with meriting great honour they are fearful of mere fame, and are especially concerned with not appearing to be honour-seekers.